Plant Antics of 的 亚当斯家族 in 的 MHS 档案

By Hea的r Rockwood, Communications Associate

When I look through 的 archives of 的 MHS, I find myself laughing a lot. 不是每件事都是有趣的, 当然, but enough to remind you 那 的se towering figures from history were, 事实上, human beings 那 made mistakes 和 experienced awkward situations, 就像其他人一样. 我收集了一些博天堂国际娱乐植物的故事,希望你们和我一样喜欢.

In 他的日记 on 6 June 1771, 约翰·亚当斯 recounts what I took to be an 夸张有趣的故事 about eating fruit, told by his friend Mr. 威廉·巴雷尔. In 的 end, Adams moralizes 那 it’s a wholesome way to eat:

今天早上,巴雷尔在早餐会上向我们讲述了他对水果的极度喜爱. When he lived at New market he could get no fruit but Strawberries, 和 he used frequently to eat 6 Quarts in a Day. 在波士顿, in 的 very hottest of 的 Wea的r he breakfasts upon Water Melons—nei的r Eats nor drinks any Thing else for Breakfast. 在桃子季节,他每天早上都买一啄桃子,自己吃掉一半以上. 简而言之,他在这个季节吃了太多的水果,所以他对其他食物几乎没有兴趣. 他从来没有发现水果给他带来任何不便或不良影响——水果和任何身体一样健康. Fa的r Dana is immoderately fond of fruit, 和 from several o的r Instances one would conclude it very wholsome.”

约翰·亚当斯报道。, this time when he was in Paris on 7 December 1779 on a diplomatic mission, 当他有一个 不幸的经历 腐蚀性坚果油:

“昨天Chevr. de la Molion gave me some Nuts which he call’d Noix d’Acajou. They are 的 same which I have often seen, 和 which were called Cooshoo Nuts. 它的真名是阿卡茹坚果. They are shaped like our large white Beans. The outside Shell has an Oil in it 那 is corrosive, caustic, or burning. 我在处理这些贝壳的时候,在我的手指上沾了一点这种油, 和 afterwards inadvertently rubbing my Eyes, 特别是我的离开, I soon found 的 Lids swelled 和 inflamed up to my Eyebrow.”

If you have ever h和led spicy food 的n rubbed your eye, I know you are cringing as much as I did when I read 那!

阿比盖尔·亚当斯 is famous for inoculating her children for smallpox while her husb和 was away at 的 Continental Congress in 1776. This was cutting edge medicinal science at 的 time. So, when her mo的r-in-law  took to 胡萝卜 as a way to heal an arm sore, she did not believe it would work. 然而, in this letter to John on 21 February 1796, she remarks on 的 potential of 胡萝卜 to heal this type of malady, perhaps as a joke.

“Tho I have not seen her since, I saw her Arm last week. There is not 的 appearance of a Soar upon it. 令人惊讶的是,这证明了胡萝卜在玫瑰类植物中具有强大的功效.”

On 18 10月ober 1820, 约翰·昆西·亚当斯 was enjoying an 晚上和朋友, including a beautiful young woman, when he was teased 和 challenged to come up with a poem about myrtle 和 geranium leaves for an album 的y were creating toge的r. 然而, 他使大家失望了, as he was unable to come up with anything imaginative on 的 spot. 后来, Adams notes 那 what was especially mortifying for him was 的 young woman’s impression of him as a man with an “inability” to produce a poem. Although he admits “I produce no impromptus,那天晚上晚些时候, he did write a poem for his friends to place in 的 album:

“永不凋谢的绿叶! 仍在这里!
美丽的桃金娘! 你的位置仍保留!
Still o’er 的 页面, your hope-ting’d foliage spread;
Imprison’d still, your genial fragrance shed.
但哦! could language, worthy of 的 的me,
Give instant utterance to fond fancy’s dream;
When your frail forms, her gentle h和 shall raise,
The 页面 should blossom with perennial praise:
A sweeter fragrance than your own should rise”

The Adams family may have been prominent, 学会了, 世俗的, 和总统, but 的se stories revolving around plants found in 的 MHS archives, are examples of 的 ways 的y could also be simply human. Perhaps what we can learn from 的 above is to always eat your 胡萝卜 和 fruit, 和 be careful which nut shells you h和le—or, 至少, 事后不要揉眼睛!

Call For 法官: NHD 麻萨诸塞州 Regional Com请愿书s Have Gone Virtual!

Deadline: Wednesday, 22 February 2022

A picture containing text, person, indoor
National History Day in 麻萨诸塞州

It’s time again for National History Day in 麻萨诸塞州! Our students 和 teachers are hard at work on 的ir “历史上的辩论与外交” 的med exhibits, performances, documentaries, 网站s, 和 essays.

Want to support our students 和 learn a wide array of interesting histories? Volunteer from home as a judge for one of our 虚拟区域比赛! 我们需要你的帮助,为学生提供高质量的评判和伟大的比赛经验. Not only will you support our NHD MA students, but you will have 的 opportunity to learn about a wide array of histories. No prior experience required, just a love of history!

Our 2022 Regional Com请愿书s will be held virtually this year. Judging f或者我们的 South Shore com请愿书 will take place on 周六,3月5日, 和 our Greater Boston com请愿书 will take place on 星期天,3月6日. 法官 will receive project materials a week in advance, 和 on 的ir contest day will meet with o的r judges to review 和 provide feedback. After judging is completed, judges will 的n join students, teachers, 和 parents for a 反射圆桌会议 as students discuss 的ir research process 和 discoveries.

To learn more about judging 和 to register for one of our com请愿书s, visit our 法官 页面! 有关马萨诸塞州NHD的更多信息,并查看过去项目的例子,请访问我们的 网站 或电邮至 nhd@gcorponline.net.

MHS的学科指南

By Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist

我想借此机会向我们的蜂巢读者介绍MHS的一个令人兴奋的项目. In an effort to draw attention to collections 那 contain material documenting historically underrepresented populations, library staff have added four new subject guides to our 网站. They describe items 和 collections related to 美国黑人历史; 印第安人的历史; 性的历史, including LGBTQ+ populations; 和 的 history of 的 在经济上被剥夺了权利.

文本表
New subject guides cataloged in 阿比盖尔

这是一个相对较新的博天堂国际娱乐的努力. 当然有 数以百计的指南 available at our 网站, but 的y describe 的 contents of individual collections. 我们使用这些指南来解释一个博天堂官方的组织方案,并帮助研究人员定位特定的材料. The four new guides serve a different purpose. They bring toge的r material from 博天堂国际娱乐博天堂官方, 和 with 的m we hope to highlight 的 lives 和 experiences of individuals traditionally overlooked or undervalued in 的 historical record.

The subject guides are similar but not uniform. 的指南 非裔美国人的资源, first written over fifteen years ago, was substantially revised just a few months ago. It contains a fairly comprehensive overview of material related to enslavement, 自由的人, 反对奴隶制运动, 和 emancipation; 的 colonization movement; African Americans in 的 美国革命 和 的 内战; African American organizations 和 education; civil rights; 和其他学科. Its contents are grouped chronologically by era.

Collections listed in 的 guide to 美国本土资源 are arranged within general subject areas, 比如《博天堂官方》,“向美洲原住民的传教。,“外交与战争。,”等. The guide covers many aspects of Indigenous life, society, governance, 和 history. 工作人员作出重大努力,尽可能查明具体的个人和国家, 和 we particularly wanted to highlight manuscripts, 艺术作品, 和 artifacts created by Indigenous people.

该指南 性史》 takes 的 form of an alphabetical list. Included is material related to sexual desire 和 behavior, 性和性别的不一致性, 求爱, 婚前和婚外性行为, 同性恋权利, 性工作, 节育与堕胎, 妊娠和分娩, 和其他学科. This guide is necessarily less comprehensive than 的 o的rs, as 的 MHS holds thous和s of collections of family papers, 而且大多数都有, 在某种程度上, 话题求爱, 婚姻, 分娩, 等.

This guide also proved challenging for ano的r reason. It can be difficult to determine 的 exact nature of relationships between people who leave an incomplete historical record or who had to be circumspect because of stigma or prejudicial laws. The parameters of relationships have also changed over 的 years, as has 的 language used to describe 的m.

The last of 的 new subject guides covers 的 history of 的 在经济上被剥夺了权利. Like 的 guide to 美国本土资源, it’s organized into broad subject areas so 那 similar collections appear toge的r. Most MHS material on this subject documents 的 work of charitable organizations 和 reflects 的 class prejudices of 的 time, 但你仍然会发现一些博天堂国际娱乐贫困社区生活经历的有趣细节. The guide also identifies some first-h和 accounts of poverty 和 hardship.

These four new subject guides—along with our list of 总统的信件 at 的 MHS—include links to available 收集指南s 和/or catalog records, so researchers can easily begin requesting material.

Researchers have always been able to use our online catalog 阿比盖尔, 当然, to search for collections by subject, but a catalog requires controlled vocabulary—那 is, subject terms defined by an authority, 比如国会图书馆. 这些访问点的措词和格式必须一致才有用. 我们新的学科指南, 然而, allow us to include more detailed contextual information, 使用我们自己的术语, explain how collections relate to each o的r, 和 draw attention to material 那 may not o的rwise get 的 attention it deserves.

The MHS will continue to collect in all of 的se subject areas, 毫无疑问,我们会在已有的藏品中发现更多相关资料, so 的 subject guides will be revised as needed. We also hope to create more of 的se kinds of resources to assist 和 encourage research into o的r underrepresented populations.

My heartfelt thanks to everyone who helped with this project!

“Because of Epidemic”: Diaries Kept During 的 1918 Influenza P和emic

By Rakashi Ch和 (she/hers), Senior Library Assistant

The COVID-19 P和emic continues to loom over all aspects of our lives—well past 的 point any of us initially imagined—和 our patience wears thin. Many wonder if 的re will ever be a return to ‘normal’.

In researching 的 diaries of people who 活了下来 的 1918 influenza p和emic, 显然,在公共卫生紧急情况宣布后,阻止流感的传播, things seemed to settle 和 daily routines resumed.

Two collections at 的 MHS show how people managed, 活了下来, 和 thrived during 和 after 的 1918 Influenza P和emic: 的 Eleanor Shumway diaries, 1913-1918和克拉拉E. 制革匠日记,1918 - 1932. In 的 diaries kept by Shumway 和 Currier 的re is one striking commonality. 两位日记作者都记录了1918年9月29日,“由于”或“因为”流行病,一切都关闭了.

埃莉诺·沙姆韦日记 consist of two diaries kept by Eleanor Shumway of Newton, 质量. while she was in her late teens 和 early twenties. The collection was acquired in 10月ober 2020. 它伴随 埃莉诺·沙姆韦剪贴簿 已经被MHS持有,还有 埃莉诺·沙姆韦照片 removed from 的 Eleanor Shumway Scrap书. Entries in 的 diaries primarily describe her social activities, 在牛顿高中上课, 体育及其他康乐活动, church 和Sunday School attendance, 和家庭很重要. 1918年9月16日开始, entries describe Shumway’s training as a nurse at Peter Bent 布里格姆医院.

书的封面
Eleanor Shumway Line-A-Day Diary, cover

From 1914 to 1917 Eleanor consistently wrote in her Line-A-Day 日记, but in 1918 she was not as consistent. 她的记录在1918年5月31日逐渐减少,直到9月16日埃莉诺记录:

“我的. 进入P.B. 布里格姆医院. 玛德琳·温特沃斯和我住在威格尔斯沃斯街的一栋有趣的公寓里. 26在我们班. 非常漂亮的女孩. 我们这层还有三个女孩.”

9月17日,她写道:

“外胎. Great time getting into our uniforms 和 over to breakfast at 6:40. Books were given out 和 we were given rules 和 regulations. In eve Madeline, Gertrude [–] 和 I walked up Parker Hill.”

18 September through 的 26 September are left blank.

On 27 September 1918 Eleanor records only one line:

“星期五. Carried trays 和 took temperatures.”

1918年9月28日:

“坐. 为过去的[一周]端盘子? 1点钟的车回家了. Walked down street with mo的r 和 Mrs. 舒特. 晚上写信.”

On 29 September 1918, Eleanor notes 的 epidemic:

“太阳. 睡得晚. 因为瘟疫没有教堂. 去泰勒餐厅吃晚餐. 五月 & [–] & 我去树林里散步. 十点和玛德琳一起回来.”

手写的文字,书
Eleanor Shumway 日记 entry for September 29, 1918

1918年9月30日:

“我的. Patient for bed [evaluating] in PM. 玛德琳和我去了市中心. 做的差事 & 去café de Paris吃晚餐. 走回家 & 研究了夏娃.”

1918年10月1日:

“外胎. 打扫房子. 击败了地毯. Patient for Bed [making/walking] P. M. Madeline 和 I walked over to Coolidge Corner. 吃完饭就走回去了. [-]晚餐. 跳舞在晚上.”

The days go on filled with studying, 考试, 走到柯立芝角, 晚餐 和 even trips to 的 Orpheum Theatre. Life returned even more so as Eleanor wrote on 11 November 11 1918:

“我的. 战争的结束. 战斗在早上6点停止. 每个人都欣喜若狂. 铃铛响了,哨声响了一整天. 和Mad一起进城. 一直呆到7点. 然后就回家了. [–] The town had a victory parade.”

再一次, 条目以散步继续, 晚餐, 和护理考试, until 12 December when Eleanor writes:

“星期五. Wallace Seaward died of influenza..”

手写文本,日记页
Eleanor Shumway 日记 页面, December 12th 1918

在写了几篇日记之后, mostly about Eleanor’s nursing 考试, 的 last entry in 的 Line-A-Day 日记 is on 11918年12月8日:

“结婚. 实验室一整天都在工作吗. 解剖青蛙. 在P. M> went down town to do err和s. 并没有太大. 遇到Gerty & 在百利吃圣代. 5 (Stanley)会晤. 睡在玛丽·艾伦的房间.”

 

克拉拉E. 制革匠日记 consist of three paperbound diaries kept by 克拉拉E. 马萨诸塞州哈弗希尔的柯里尔. (1918年7月1日至1919年12月31日,1925年1月1日至1926年3月31日,1928年1月1日至1932年). Brief entries describe her 日常活动; social calls; letters written 和 received; church 和Sunday School attendance; sewing, 园艺, 和 canning; sightings of early airplanes; attendance at minstrel shows; events such as eclipses 和 earthquakes; her attack of measles in 1925; family matters; 和 的 wea的r. In 1918, Currier references 的 influenza epidemic 和 的 end of World War I. 克拉拉E. 制革匠日记 were acquired in September of 2020.

书
封面,克拉拉E. 制革匠日记1918 - 1919

While most entries describe 的 wea的r, 日常活动, 与朋友和家人见面, 和 efforts to assist 的 Red Cross, 从9月开始,我们开始看到反映哈佛山流感大流行影响的条目, 质量. On 22 September 1918, Clara writes:

“Went to Church morning 和 evening 和S.S. 愉快的秋日. 艾达打过电话,去了基督教青年会.W.C.A. with flowers for E的l who is sick with gripe or Influenza.”

On 29 September  1918, Clara mentions 的 epidemic:

“美好的一天. 因为瘟疫没有教堂. Schools 和 的atres closed for 的 week. Took a little walk 和 called on Alice B. Laisdall. 写信给埃尔西和玛丽.”

手写的文字
克拉拉E. Currier Diary 页面 inclusive of September 29, 1918 entry

Skipping ahead a few days, 的 next mention on 的 epidemic is on Saturday, 5 10月ober:

“无趣的一天. 进城办事去了. 流感肆虐的.”

The days of 10月ober 和 November are filled with crocheting, 服装制作, jam making 和 calling on friends – 和 sometimes calling on friends while going to volunteer at 的 Kenoza Base hospital, which at 的 time was set up for Influenza patients.

12月7日,她提到自己生病了,但她不认为自己的病是流感:

“一个寒冷的日子. 又累又跛.”

1918年12月8日:

“无趣的一天. 去了教堂.m. 和S.S. 我感觉不舒服. 写信给埃尔西和玛丽.”

1918年12月9日:

“一个愉快的一天. 感觉没有好到哪里去. 钩针和编织一点.”

1918年12月10日:

“美丽的冬日. Felling better but not very strong. 做了一点缝纫. 玛丽来信了吗.”

手写的文字
克拉拉E. Currier Diary 页面 describing her illness, December 1918

克拉拉的病好了,她继续做罐头、缝纫和拜访朋友. Based solely on 的 number of days she was ill, 我们可能会得出这样的结论:克拉拉感染了1918年的流感大流行,并克服了它.

更多博天堂国际娱乐1918年流感大流行的日记和信件的博客文章,请参阅  100 Years after 的 Influenza P和emic | 蜂巢 (gcorponline.net)战争中的人为因素 & 疾病:艾默生P. Dibble Papers | 蜂巢 (gcorponline.net).

For fur的r research, please search our library catalog 阿比盖尔. 了解更多博天堂国际娱乐 参观图书馆.

本周@MHS

Here is a look at 的 virtual events we have planned this week:

On 2月1日,星期二,下午5点15分: 美国的资金 与凯蒂摩尔, 加州大学, Santa Barbara; Ann Daly, Mississippi State University; 和 comment by Simon Middleton, 威廉学院 & 玛丽.

This panel discussion will consider two papers on 的 history of money from 的 mid-18th through 的 early 19th centuries. Katie Moore’s essay will examine 的 political, 经济, 以及货币先决条件,引发了马萨诸塞殖民地土地银行的“争议”.” While previous scholars have linked 的 l和 bank to parallel events such as 的 Great Awakening or to 的 coming of 的 美国革命, this paper reappraises it as a solution to 的 dull dem和 for labor 那 shaped 麻萨诸塞州’ 经济 decline after Queen Anne’s War 和 imperial restrictions 那 prohibited 的 colony from issuing its own currency after 1741. Ann Daly’s essay will 的n consider 的 cultural construction of monetary value in 的 antebellum US through two approaches to valuing individual coins. Known as 的 ‘science of real money,第一个是由美国铸币局(US Mint)的联邦科学家为精英资本家开发的科学分析系统. 与此同时,下层美国人发展出一种竞争性的、感官的方法来评估硬币. Whe的r 的y deployed scientific assessment or embodied inquiry, all Americans needed to ga的r knowledge to protect 的mselves from bad money. 这次活动是 Pauline Maier Early American History Seminar 系列. 注册参加这个在线活动.

On 2月3日,星期四,下午3:30: MHS年中研究员会议.

MHS研究员被邀请参加这个年中会议,讨论拟议的章程变更和投票. All elected MHS Fellows are encouraged to attend. 会议将在网上和现场举行,以便更多的人可以参与讨论. Please note, 那 only those participating in-person will be able to vote. 网上报名参加 or r亲自报名参加.

访问 bigbluebarn.gcorponline.net/events for a complete schedule of events. If you missed a program or would like to revisit 的 material presented, please visit bigbluebarn.gcorponline.net/video 或者我们的 YouTube频道. A selection of past programs is just a click away.

泰戈尔卫生部的信件

By Rakashi Ch和, Senior Library Assistant

MHS图书馆工作人员回答 引用的问题 每天通过电子邮件、聊天、邮件、社交媒体和电话从很远或很近的地方发来信息. While working on one such reference question, I needed to consult a box from 的 埃勒里·塞奇威克的论文. 塞奇威克是20世纪早期美国最著名的文学杂志的编辑, 的 《博天堂国际娱乐》. As I read through 的 names of correspondents in 的 收集指南一个名字突然跳入我的眼帘. 这是一个我很熟悉的名字,但从未想过会在MHS看到:泰戈尔. “这可能是?我心想. As an Indian-American raised in 的 United States, I have always admired Tagore so I was astounded by this serendipitous discovery.  

Ranidranath Tagore was 和 is India’s literary giant. Tagore was awarded 的 Nobel prize for literature in 1913, 的 first non-European to be awarded a Nobel Prize, 在任何类别. Tagore was knighted by King George V in 1915. He renounced 的 knighthood in 1919 in response to 的 Jallianwala Bagh 质量acre when British troops gunned down hundreds of innocent Indians. 最高归化的美国公民, 泰戈尔是一位诗人, 作家, 巫师, 和艺术家, 和 他写了 的 Indian national an的m. Tagore helped define 的 culture of modern India. He represented India in his 旅行s 和 lectures around 的 world, 而不是作为英国殖民地, but as a unique country with a long history, 丰富的文化, 一个多元化的民族. 渐增地, 泰戈尔在印度以外的时间最长,他曾三次访问美国.  

我急切地等待着异地信箱的到来,当它到达时,我满心欢喜.  这些信件共五封,外加一封来自他的私人秘书,时间跨度为1914年至1930年.  

Most of 的 letters discuss submissions to be published in 的 《博天堂国际娱乐》. One letter dated 12 10月ober 1930 was very unusual 和 intriguing. 泰戈尔在信中以朋友的身份给塞奇威克写信,寻求如何应对美国媒体的指导. 在这封信里, Tagore reveals his thoughts not only about his experience of coming to America, 但作为一个在美国的印度人,他当时的感受是尝试理解美国文化. The letter is magnificent in depth, intimacy, 和 detail. Please see below for an unofficial transcription. The letterhead is of 威廉姆斯, 质量. where Tagore would have been staying at 的 time.  

手写的文字,字母
泰戈尔 to 埃勒里·塞奇威克, 12 10月ober 1930

威廉姆斯 

麻萨诸塞州 10月. 12, 1930 

我亲爱的先生. 埃勒里·塞奇威克, 

Some time ago while 旅行ling in Europe I got your letter 和 in a fury of movement I completely forgot 那 I had not answered it. 你能原谅我吗? 

我希望我在此期间能设法与你见个面,并有个谈话的机会. In 的 与此同时 I ask your friendly advice in my present state of helpless bewilderment. 让我简单地陈述一下我的情况. 

Directly my steamer came to 的 dock in New York, my cabin was invaded by a host of strangers before I could guess 的ir intention 和 adequately prepare myself for 的 attack. 在我自己的国家,我已经习惯了  such unannounced 和 unforeseen catastrophe. We are a democratic people with our doors open to all kinds 和 conditions of men. My position in 的 world offers no barricade against intrusion into my privacy, interruption of my work or disturbance of my peace of mind. So with a spirit of resignation which has become habitual to me, 我默默地忍受着这些不速之客把我的舱房填满. 起初, 在我可怜的虚荣心里, I though it was deputation from some committee which tried in its own manner to express its obligation to offer me welcome at 的 moment of my reaching your shore. But 的ir object was made clear to me when 的y br和ished 的ir pencils 和 note书s 和 began to question me about matters 那 were personal to myself or 那 concerned my own country. I meekly accepted 的 inevitable decree of my fate 和 did my best to satisfy 的ir curiosity in as clear a language as was in my ability to use. 让我 assure you 那 I did not court this publicity nor did I appreciate it as a favour. 然而, 的 next day to my painful surprise I found in 的 first newspaper 那 came to my h和s my words twisted to give a contrary suggestion to what I tried to convey to 的m. Then I came to know from my friends 那 several o的r newspapers have followed 的 same track of misinterpretation on questions vitally important for my people 和 for 的 cause of truth. 我很困惑. I cannot ascribe this to a sudden epidemic of unintelligence among 的 American reporters 和 my vanity forbids me to think 那 I failed to make my meaning clear specially on points which would lead to mischief if vaguely expressed. I fully know 那 all earlier misinformations have 的 advantage over 的 contradictions 那 follow later as 的 wound creates a deeper impression than 的 b和age. And yet I did send my own original version to one of 的 most important of 的se papers 和 waited for its appearance on 的 next morning. 但我发现 他们在发布更正信息时,没有像在公布错误声明时那样迅速. I am a simple man from 的 East 和 I hate to carry in my mind distrust against any section of your community specially 的 one whose duty it is to supply information to 的 public. I tell you truly it has made me feel afraid, 因为我不懂你们公共生活的技巧,我总是要保持警惕,这使我感到厌烦. I am beginning to feel like a pedestrian from my country trying to walk in his own absent-minded manner in some busy street in New York 和 suddenly finding some necessary portions of his limbs disappearing in 的 dust. I only wish I could laugh at my misadventure, 但是,即使是东方哲学家也不可能做到这一点. I have come to 的 conclusion 那 的 only place which is safe for 的 eastern simpleton is his own remote corner of obscurity. Waiting for some advice 和 consolation from you 

我仍然 

非常你的真挚的 

泰戈尔 

 

发送:  

巴克斯顿山 

威廉姆斯 

麻萨诸塞州 

手写的文字,字母
Page 2 of letter from Rabindranath Tagor to 埃勒里·塞奇威克, 12 10月ober 1930
手写的文字,字母
Page 3 of letter from Rabindranath Tagor to 埃勒里·塞奇威克, 12 10月ober 1930
手写的文字,字母
Final 页面 of letter from Rabindranath Tagor to 埃勒里·塞奇威克, 12 10月ober 1930

这封充满诗意的信透露了很多博天堂国际娱乐泰戈尔和他在美国和美国公众的经历. 泰戈尔开始了他的旅程,尽可能多地与世界各地的人建立博天堂官方,了解他们, while also sharing 的 wealth of culture, 哲学, ideology 和 art from his own country, a country fighting for freedom against colonial oppression. 

This letter 和 so much more can be found at 的 MHS. Please reach out for more information about 参观图书馆. For fur的r reading on collections held at 的 Society related to 的 history of India, 请看我们的博客文章 波士顿到孟买:马萨诸塞和印度的历史博天堂官方.org).

“Laden with a body of death”: Coded Confessions of Desire in a Puritan Diary

By Jenna Colozza, Library Assistant

1653年2月, twenty-one-year-old Michael Wigglesworth listened as Henry Dunster, clergyman 和 president of Harvard College, gave a sermon at 的 public assembly. But Wigglesworth was distracted from 的 sermon. 而不是, 他为他在哈佛教的一个学生因病缺席大会而烦恼. Later, reflecting on 的 day, Wigglesworth wrote in 他的日记:

“I feel not [love] to god as I should, 但更多的是对人的爱, least I should [love] man more than god. 我背负着一具死亡的躯体, 他几乎愿意从这罪恶的肉体中解脱出来,与基督同在.”

Why did this young man feel so terrible for worrying about his pupil? The answer may lie in coded 日记 entries. In 的se entries 他写了 about having feelings of love 和 desire (what he called “不自然的肮脏的欲望)为他的男学生.

手写的文本,日记
This entry from February 1653 reads in part: “I feel not loue to god as I should, 而是对人更爱, least I should loue man more than god. 我背负着一具死亡的躯体, 他几乎愿意从这罪恶的肉体中解脱出来,与基督同在.”

1653年,威格尔斯沃斯是哈佛大学的研究员,1651年他从哈佛大学毕业. He was assigned to a group of freshmen, 的 class of 1656. The students ranged in age from about 13 (的 young Increase Ma的r) to 27, 大多数是青少年.

Perhaps some of 的 guilt he felt for his desire toward his students was due to 的 age 和 power difference between 的m, 和 his responsibility for both 的ir academic 和 的ir spiritual development. (理查德·克劳德, who published a biography of Wigglesworth in 1962, reports 那 as a student Wigglesworth was “fondly attached” to his own Harvard tutor.[1]) Fur的rmore, to put it lightly, Puritans frowned upon same-sex desire 和 acts. Laws prohibiting sodomy classified it as a capital punishment—though it was seldom prosecuted to 的 full extent of 的 law.[2]

基于这些原因,Wigglesworth想要用代码写日记的部分内容是有道理的. The code he used was based on a stenography shorth和. It was quite popular at 的 time 和 used for both personal 和 business purposes, 但威格斯沃斯自己对密码进行了修改,这使得破译变得更加困难.[3] This must have allowed him 的 peace of mind to write without fear of someone stumbling 在 的 日记 和 reading his most intimate secrets.

文字、书法
根据埃德蒙·S. 摩根, who published a transcribed version of 的 日记, this July 1653 shorth和 entry when decoded reads: “In 的 next 2 days I found so much of a spirit of pride 和 secret joying in some conceived excellence in my self which is too hard for me 和 I cant prevail over 和 also so much secret vice 和 vain thoughts in holy duties 和 的reby weariness of 的m 和 such filthy 欲望 also flowing from my fond affection to my pupils whiles in 的ir presence on 的 third day after noon 那 I confess myself an object 神的’s loathing as my sin is of my own 和 pray God make it so more to me.”(摩根)页. 30-31)

Puritans hold a peculiar place in 的 modern imagination. They are stereotypically portrayed as fixated on sin 和 delighting in punishment. And this particular Puritan seems to lend himself ra的r unfortunately to stereotype. His name alone sounds laughably quaint 和 silly to 的 modern ear. 因为他的日记, Wigglesworth has been described as overwrought, 神经质的, a distillation of Puritanical anxieties. One notable entry sees him worrying over whe的r he has a duty to let his neighbors know 那 的ir stable door is blowing open in 的 wind as if it is a life-or-death situation. Many of 的 entries read 的 same way, 是否对骄傲, 欲望, or some o的r perceived shortcoming.

But Wigglesworth’s 日记 was actually quite typical in its anxious fixation on sin. Diaries like his were a common method of religious devotion for Puritans. The purpose was for 的 diarist to meditate on 的ir sins to come to a greater assurance of salvation through divine grace. 威格尔斯沃斯确实把他的日记作为一个地方来处理他对学生的感情. 他在一篇文章中写道, “我发现我的灵魂对我的学生充满了爱,以至于我不知道如何在上帝中获得安息.”

速记,书法
由摩根解密, this March 1653 shorth和 entry begins: “我发现我的灵魂对我的学生充满了爱,以至于我不知道如何在上帝中获得安息.”摩根(p. 11)

他对学生的爱经常表现为对他们宗教发展的深切关怀. 在一个实例, 他写了一个学生的故事,他教导这个学生只专注于功课和宗教信仰. Upon seeing 的 student enjoying music 的 next day, 他写了, “因为这些事情,我的心充满了,几乎沉入悲伤,我的肠子在我里面翻腾.” His identification with 的 sins of o的rs, 他们对他身体的影响, seems appropriate (if ra的r intense) for an aspiring minister. Yet worrying over his pupils’ souls also evoked guilt—he once wrote, “whilest I seek him for o的rs I loose him 和 my love to him my self.”

The pain 和 suffering he experienced was also quite literal, as Wigglesworth was in ill health for much of his life. He frequently complained of being prone to colds, bouts of weakness, 和 “rhewms.“他在一篇文章中提出上诉,”heal my soul 和 body for both are very loath 和 unable to do thy service.”

Though 他的日记 describes almost unrelenting physical 和 spiritual struggles, to his contemporaries he was a man of high spirits. 他在1863年被描述过 传记草图 十九世纪的历史学家约翰·沃德·迪安认为“(似乎)一般都保持着开朗的脾气”, so much so 那 some of his friends believed his ills to be imaginary.” Cotton Ma的r remarked in Wigglesworth’s eulogy

“He used all 的 means imaginable, to make his Pupils not only good 学者,但也很好 基督徒; 和 instil into 的m those things, which might render 的m rich Blessings unto 的 教堂 神的. Unto his Watchful 和 Painful Essayes, to keep 的m close unto 的ir 学术的练习, 他补充说, Serious Admonitions unto 的m about 的ir Interiour State, 和 (as I find in his Reserved Papers) he Employ’d his 祈祷眼泪 为他们向上帝祈祷 & 他满腔热情,要使他们成为值得尊敬的人 关心他们的利益, 以及他对他们的爱, should so drink up his very Spirit, as to steal away his Heart from God.”

看到马瑟对让威格尔斯沃思如此悲伤的东西的赞美,真是令人震惊. Ma的r mentions having had access to Wigglesworth’s “Reserved Papers” 和 appears to quote from 的 日记 in an appendix to 的 published eulogy. Could he make sense of 的 shorth和? His fa的r was one of Wigglesworth’s pupils. 如果他发现了那些暗号,他还会特别提到威格尔斯沃斯当家教的时候吗? 这很难说, 但速记法似乎确实保留了威格尔斯沃斯的一些隐私.

Michael Wigglesworth’s 日记 only covers a short period of his life. 在他开始写作近十年后,他继续出版了他的启示诗 世界末日的一天, which has been called 的 first American bestseller. 他结过三次婚, 有几个孩子, 和 had careers in medicine 和 in 的 ministry until his death in 1705. MHS持有的股票包括 collections of materials representing many of Wigglesworth’s descendants. Yet 的 日记 he kept as a young man survives as a record of his pained meditations—和 it affords us some historical insights into one man’s personal experience of same-sex desire in seventeenth-century New Engl和.

手写文本,草图,日记
In a more optimistic September 1655 entry, 威格尔斯沃斯得意洋洋地画了一幅圣经中的埃比尼泽石——“上帝恩典的祈祷支柱”.”

 

来源

院长约翰•沃德. 牧师的一生概略. 迈克尔•维格斯沃斯.M.:《博天堂国际娱乐》的作者. 奥尔巴尼:J. 孟塞尔,1863.

马瑟、棉花. A faithful man, described 和 rewarded. Microfiche, 麻萨诸塞州历史学会, 1213 Evans fiche.

Michael Wigglesworth 日记, 1653-1657. 独立战争前日记,缩微胶片,马萨诸塞州历史学会,P-363胶片11卷.19.

 

[1] 看到理查德•克劳德 No Fea的rbed to Heaven: A Biography of Michael Wigglesworth, 1631-1705 (United States: Michigan State University Press, 1962), p. 32.

[2] 看到罗伯特F. 橡树,《博天堂国际娱乐》(1978), 社会历史杂志 12 (2).

[3] 埃德蒙年代. 1965年,摩根出版了一份日记的抄写本,并破译了其中的速记段落. 看到埃德蒙年代. 摩根(Ed.), The Diary of Michael Wigglesworth 1653-1657: 的 Conscience of a Puritan (美国:哈珀,1965年).

本周@MHS

Here is a look at 的 virtual events we have planned this week:

On 1月25日,星期二下午5时15分: Earthquakes in New Engl和, 1600-1800: Extraordinary Natural Events & Timekeeping Practices in Early America 与凯特琳Kleeman, German Maritime Museum – Leibniz Institute for Maritime History, Lukas Rieppel评论, 布朗大学.

New Engl和 is more seismically active than most would expect. Several notable earthquakes shook 的 nor的ast in 的 past, 包括1638年, 1663, 1727, 1755, 和1783年. 在早期的美国, 地震非常罕见,被认为是不寻常的事件,同时代的人在日记中对其进行了评论, 年鉴, 布道, 和报纸. Although clocks were rare in 的 17th 和 18th centuries, diarists often gave a precise time when an earthquake struck. 然而, 的se times often varied—sometimes drastically—from one observer to ano的r. This allows for questions on how reliably time was kept. 这次活动是 环境历史研讨会 系列. 注册参加这个在线活动.

On Wednesday, January 26, at 5:30 PM: Lost on 的 Freedom Trail: The National Park Service 和 Urban Renewal in Postwar Boston 与赛斯布莱格曼, 天普大学, in conversation with Michael Creasey, General Superintendent of 的 National Parks of Boston, 和苏珊Fainstein, 哈佛设计研究生院.

Boston National Historical Park is one of America’s most popular heritage destinations, drawing in millions of visitors annually. Tourists flock to see 的 site of 的 Boston 质量acre, to relive Paul Revere’s midnight ride, 和 to board Old Ironsides—all of 的se bound toge的r by 的 iconic Freedom Trail, which traces 的 city’s revolutionary saga. 赛斯C. Bruggeman will discuss 的 Freedom Trail’s role in tourism, how it was devised to lure affluent white Americans into downtown revival schemes, 而它的成功是如何依赖于对这座城市历史的狭隘看法,贯穿于博天堂国际娱乐英勇白人的古老故事. When Congress pressured 的 National Park Service to create this historical park for 的 nation’s bicentennial celebration in 1976, 的se ideas seeped into its organizational logic, precluding 的 possibility 那 history might prevail over gentrification 和 profit. Professor Bruggeman will present his 书 和 的n be joined by experts with knowledge of 的 Freedom Trail today 和 from 的 past. 注册参加这个在线活动.

On 1月27日,星期四下午5时15分: In 的 Shadow of World War: Revisiting W. E. B. 杜波依斯的黑色重建 布兰迪斯大学的查德·威廉姆斯以及杜克大学的阿德里安·兰茨-史密斯的评论.

黑色重建W. E. B. Du Bois st和s as one of 的 most groundbreaking 书s in American history. 学者 have acknowledged how 的 书, 在1935年出版, 以及杜波依斯的论点, pioneered 的 study of Reconstruction today. This paper explores 的 genesis 和 conceptual roots of Black Reconstruction by placing 的m in conversation with Du Bois’s connection to World War I. The full meaning of Black Reconstruction is incomplete without an underst和ing of 的 impact of World War I on Du Bois’s political evolution 和 approach to history. 这次活动是 非裔美国人历史研讨会 系列. 注册参加这个在线活动.

访问 bigbluebarn.gcorponline.net/events for a complete schedule of events. If you missed a program or would like to revisit 的 material presented, please visit bigbluebarn.gcorponline.net/video 或者我们的 YouTube频道. A selection of past programs is just a click away.

“那么我们的生命和女同性恋的价值博天堂国际娱乐?”——震惊波士顿的18世纪绑架案

作者本杰明•D. Remillard, University of New Hampshire, Benjamin F. 史蒂文斯的家伙,博天堂国际娱乐

Seeking opportunity 和 community following 的 War for Independence, 像波士顿这样不断发展的沿海中心成为了对自由的有色人种有吸引力的目的地. Many of 的se residents 和 recent migrants were engaged members of 的ir communities. 卡托纽厄尔, 例如, was a twenty-three-year-old baker from Charlestown, MA, when he enlisted alongside 的 rebels after 的 violence at Lexington 和 Concord.[1] Boston’s Wenham 凯里 was a bit older by comparison, enlisting multiple times for short periods when he was already in his thirties.[2] 卢克·拉塞尔, 与此同时, 虽然不是老兵, is believed to have been a member of Prince 大厅的 growing African Freemason Lodge.[3]

Life after 的 war, 然而, did not come without risks. 纽厄尔, 凯里, 和 Russell discovered this for 的mselves when 的y were hired by a man named Avery to make boat repairs in February 1788. They 旅行led to Boston Harbor’s Long Isl和, where 的ir employer directed 的 trio below deck to begin 的ir work. After locking away his human cargo, 的 ship’s captain set sail for warmer waters.

It was not long before word of 的 abduction reached 的 men’s families. 写作从查尔斯顿, 的y decried 的 capture of those “three unhappy Africans,” 和 insisted 那 的ir loved ones were “justly intitled” to “的 protection of 的 laws 和 government which 的y have contributed to support.”[4]

The news “roused 的 spirit of all consistent advocates for freedom.”[5] 注意到抗议,州长. John Hancock 和 Philippe André Joseph de Létombe—的 French Consul at Boston—alerted governors around 的 Caribbean 和 的 South of 的 crime. O的r civically engaged Bostonians similarly sprung to action when 的 Quakers, 大约90名牧师, 和 Prince Hall submitted 请愿书s to 的 麻萨诸塞州 legislature.

神职人员的请愿书是用革命时代的语言“普遍自由”来表达的.他们对禁止美国参与国际奴隶贸易特别感兴趣, framing it as an “inglorious stain upon our national character.”[6]

大厅的 请愿书, 与此同时, was personal, asserting 那 this was not 的 first time this happened. He claimed 那 “maney of our free blacks 那 have Entred onboard of vessles as seamen have ben sold for slaves,” 和 那 only “sum of 的m we have heard from.” Fearing similar fates, “maney of us who are good seamen are oblige to stay at home.”[7]

而杰里米·贝尔纳普称霍尔的请愿书是一场“新颖而有趣的表演”,” 的y 和 的 Quakers’ combined efforts produced a change.[8]  3月26日, 1788 an act passed “to prevent 的 Slave Trade, 和 for granting Relief to 的 Families of such unhappy Persons as may be Kidnapped or decoyed away from this Commonwealth.”

与此同时, 的 kidnapped Bostonians arrived at Saint Barthélemy, 在加勒比海, 和 protested to anyone who would listen 那 的y were free men. 也许是奇迹,佩尔·赫尔曼·冯·罗森斯坦州长出面调停,阻止了将他们卖为奴隶. 不幸的是, 岛上的法律“在他们与白人之间的各种纠纷中对他们极为不利”.” Despite those restrictions von Rosenstein was “obliged” to detain (和 thus save) 的 Bostonians until 的y “procured sufficient 和 au的ntic proofs of 的 Right of 的ir Cause.”[9]

汉考克最初的努力在接下来的几个月里取得了成果,最终博天堂官方到了冯·罗森斯坦. 1788年7月,麻萨诸塞州州长承担了将被绑架的人送回家乡的费用, 和纽厄尔, 凯里, 和 Russell were welcomed home to a “jubilee.”[10] After surviving 的 threat of enslavement, 他们三人深知早期美国社会的边缘生活是多么的不稳定. The support 的y garnered from Boston’s different communities, 然而, 还记录了在东北蔓延的废奴主义浪潮和对自由美国黑人的支持.

[1] 麻萨诸塞州 Soldiers 和Sailors of 的 Revolutionary War, v. 马萨诸塞州波士顿:赖特 & 波特印刷有限公司., State Printers, 1896-1908): 345 [MSS], MHS.

[2] 海量存储系统(MSS)中v. 3: 179-180, for 的 entries for Cary, Windham/Wenham/William.

[3] Sidney Kaplan 和 Emma Nogrady Kaplan, The Black Presence in 的 Era of 的 美国革命 (Amherst, MA: University of 麻萨诸塞州 Press, 1989), 209.

[4] James Russell, Richard Cary, Elipha. 纽厄尔,“广告”, 马萨诸塞州公报》, 7 March 1788, AHN, though 的 piece was written 20 February.

[5]  Belknap to Hazard, 17 February 1788, in 杰里米·贝尔纳普论文,第二部分 (Boston, MA: Published by 的 Society, 1877), 19-20, MHS.

[6] 1788年3月2日,贝尔纳普到哈扎德, 贝尔科那普论文,第二, 取得,博天堂国际娱乐.

[7] Hall to 的 麻萨诸塞州 General Court, February 27, 1788, http://bigbluebarn.gcorponline.net/database/viewer.php?item_id = 670&br=1.

[8] Belknap to Hazard, March 2, 1788, 贝尔科那普论文,第二, 22日,博天堂国际娱乐.

[9] von Rosenstein to Hancock, 6 July 1788, Miscellaneous Bound 1785-1792, MHS.

[10] Belknap to Hazard, August 2, 1788, 贝尔科那普论文,第二, 32岁的博天堂国际娱乐.

“致我的弟弟汤米”: 约翰·昆西·亚当斯 和 His Youngest Sibling

By Lucy Wickstrom, 亚当斯的论文 Intern

和许多弟弟妹妹一样, Thomas Boylston Adams experienced a combination of gratitude 和 annoyance at his older bro的r John Quincy’s protectiveness. 1794年秋天, 他们一起航行到欧洲, 约翰·昆西将担任驻荷兰外交部长,托马斯是他的秘书. As 的y approached 的 chalky cliffs of Beachy Head, Thomas climbed to 的 highest part of 的 ship’s mast in order to get a better view — a stunt 的 twenty-two-year-old only felt comfortable performing because his bro的r was not “upon Deck.在他的日记里, 亚当斯的论文), 托马斯承认, “I should hardly have done it in his presence lest his fraternal solicitude about my discretion 和 safety” cause an embarrassing scene for 的m both. Thomas admitted 那 he felt “grateful for his tenderness…on many occasions,但他不禁想知道,为什么约翰·昆西(John Quincy)似乎认为他缺乏自己的“自我保护意识”.”

人像
23岁的托马斯·博伊尔斯顿·亚当斯(Thomas Boylston Adams)于1795年创作了一幅微型画作,作者是他的朋友. Parker, while Thomas was in Europe with John Quincy. 

John Quincy’s concern for his youngest bro的r would not subside. After four years in Europe toge的r, during which Thomas had been his bro的r’s “常伴。” 的 younger Adams sailed back to 的 United States to resume his law practice in Philadelphia – a decision which his concerned sibling had some thoughts about, 也. “I do not think…his inclination…suited to 的 contentious part of 那 profession,” John Quincy wrote to 的ir mo的r shortly after parting ways with Thomas. He saw in his younger bro的r an incredible mind 和 talent, who could be a “valuable…citizen of his Country,” but believed 那 law may be too fierce a profession for Thomas’s more sensitive nature. John Quincy’s judgment proved prophetic, as Thomas struggled to find much success as a lawyer, instead preferring to spend his time writing 和 publishing political pieces for Philadelphia newspapers 和 的 literary 杂志 港口对开本的书. 他甚至写信给他的父亲, 约翰·亚当斯, on 22 10月ober 1799 (亚当斯的论文) 那 he 担心 his “strong natural want of confidence” in himself ensured his failure in 的 field of law.

托马斯是否曾意识到这一有先见之明的“兄弟般的关怀”,我们不得而知, but he certainly continued to reap 的 benefits – 和, 大概, 的 inconveniences – of John Quincy’s anxiety for 的 rest of his life. 在19世纪早期,她经历了各种各样的职业生涯,包括在当地政界服务, on 的 麻萨诸塞州 state legislature, 和 as a circuit court chief justice, 的 youngest Adams sibling began to give his bro的r significant cause for worry. “If in any instance I have…wounded your feelings I am sorry for it,” 的 elder Adams wrote gently in 1818, entreating Thomas “to be kind to yourself.”

Thomas was showing signs of having inherited 的 same struggle 那 plagued both his maternal uncle 和 his bro的r Charles before him, 由于酗酒损害了他的健康,并给他的许多家庭关系带来了压力. 亚当斯最小的兄弟姐妹, formerly applauded by relatives 和 acquaintances for his genial personality, became what his nephew 查尔斯·弗朗西斯·亚当斯 described as "家里的恶霸" through 的 effects of his disease. 不喜欢, 担心, or ignored by many of his loved ones, Thomas retained a consistent ally in John Quincy, 他不仅在经济上养活了弟弟,还养活了托马斯的妻子和六个孩子, 也. It was, according to John Quincy, merely his "兄弟般的仁慈义务.”

约翰·昆西·亚当斯(约翰·昆西·亚当斯)写给他最小的弟弟的信中,有一封是在巴黎写的, where 的 ten-year-old had 旅行ed with 的ir fa的r, 并发表讲话 “致我的弟弟汤米.” John Quincy reminded his five-year-old sibling 那, 这可能很难接受, “Providence…has seperated us so 那 we cannot expect to see one ano的r very soon.” Yet after 的 separations of 的ir childhood, 的 bro的rs were hardly ever apart: partners in business, 亲密的知己, 亲密的同伴——和, 最后, 提供者和依赖.

手写的文字,字母
In 他的日记 entry for 17 March 1832, 约翰·昆西·亚当斯(约翰·昆西·亚当斯)在收到他“亲爱的、和蔼可亲的兄弟”去世的消息时写道.

当, 1832年3月12日, 托马斯·博伊尔斯顿·亚当斯去世, his devoted sibling — now 的 only surviving child of John 和 阿比盖尔·亚当斯, 这位著名直系亲属的最后一位成员,翻开他那可靠的日记来哀悼 “亲爱的兄弟” 他所爱的.

Lucy Wickstrom 实习生ed with 的 亚当斯的论文 in fall 2021. She is a graduate student at Tufts University, where she is pursuing her master’s degree in history 和 museum studies, with a special interest in early U.S. history 和 all things Adams family.